ADAKAN SIARAN RADIO TV KHAS UNTUK MASYARAKAT SIAM DI MALAYSIA.

SONTHI BOONYARATGLIN.

2010-02-06T21:52:00.000-08:00

General (Ret.) Sonthi Boonyaratglin (Thai: สนธิ บุญยรัตกลิน, RTGS: Sonthi Bunyaratkalin) (b. 2 October 1946) is former Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army and former head of the Council for National Security, the military junta that ruled the kingdom.[1] He is the first Muslim in charge of the mostly Buddhist army.[2]. On 19 September 2006, he became the de facto head of government of Thailand after overthrowing the elected government in a coup d'état.[3] After retiring from the Army in 2007, he became Deputy Prime Minister, in charge of national security.
Sonthi is a multimillionaire and has two wives, Sukanya and Piyada, despite legal prohibitions against bigamy.[4][5][6]
Contents[hide]
1 Education and early career
2 Conflicts with Thaksin Shinawatra
3 Southern Thailand insurgency
4 Military coup
5 Permanent constitution
6 Relations with Singapore
7 Human rights
8 Other controversies
9 Resignation from CNS, entry into politics
10 Personal life
11 Royal decorations
11.1 Foreign decorations
12 Quotes
13 References
14 External links
//
[edit] Education and early career
Sonthi Boonyaratglin graduated from the 6th Class of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School. He graduated from Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1969 as part of Class 17 and was commissioned into the Royal Army Infantry Corps. He went on to lead several top units, including the elite Special Warfare Command based in Lopburi province.[7]
In August 2004, Sonthi was appointed Deputy Army Commander.[8] Against public expectations, Sonthi was promoted to Army Commander in October 2005. Sonthi's fast rise was backed by retired armed forces Supreme Commander General Surayud Chulanont (with whom he had served while leading the Special Warfare Command) and Privy Council President General Prem Tinsulanonda.[9] Both serve as advisers to King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
[edit] Conflicts with Thaksin Shinawatra
As Army Commander, General Sonthi repeatedly assured the public that the army would not interfere in the political crisis, although he has said that "His Majesty must have been saddened" by the nation's political problems.[10][11] He has also protested Thaksin's unsuccessful attempt to promote a large number of his own former classmates from Class 10 of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School to army units responsible for Bangkok's security.[12]
The 2006 annual military reshuffle was delayed due to the political crisis, as caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra denied that he planned to remove Sonthi as Army Commander.[13][14] Despite this, Sonthi consolidating his personal power base by transferring out 129 mid-ranking officers under generals that he thought were loyal to the Prime Minister. Some observers saw this as a message to the Government that Sonthi was still firmly in charge of the Army.[15]
As late as May 2006, Sonthi publicly denied the need for a military coup:
“
Whenever soldiers get involved in politics, it seems that the nation's problems begin to escalate and become worse. Military officers, accordingly, must step back from politics. With that firm and clear stance, I assure everyone that there definitely won't be a coup.[16]
”
[edit] Southern Thailand insurgency
See also: South Thailand insurgency
After being appointed Army Commander in 2005, Sonthi expressed confidence that he could resolve the insurgency. He claimed that he would take a "new and effective" approach to a crisis and that "The army is informed [of who the insurgents are] and will carry out their duties."[17] Sonthi was granted an extraordinary increase in executive powers to combat unrest in the far South.[18] However, up to 19 September 2006, the Army admitted that they had no idea who the insurgents were.[19] The drastic escalation of the insurgency during his leadership of the Army led to much public criticism of Army efforts.
While assigned to the South, Sonthi suggested that former communist insurgents might be playing a role in the unrest. Leaders of the southern provinces displayed skepticism over his suggestion and investigations did not reveal any communist link.[20]
Sonthi was also blamed for failing to rescue two teachers who had been severely beaten by a mob in May 2006.[21] One of them, Juling Pangamoon, is still in a coma and attracted fame for being the focus of attention from the royal family of Thailand.[22]
On August 2006 after 22 commercial banks were simultaneously bombed in Yala province, Sonthi announced that he would break with government policy and negotiate with the leaders of the insurgency. However, he noted that "We still don't know who is the real head of the militants we are fighting with."[23] In a press conference the next day, he attacked the government for criticizing him for trying to negotiate with the anonymous insurgents, and demanded that the government "Free the military and let it do the job."[24] Afterwards, insurgents bombed 6 department stores in Hat Yai city, which up until then had been free of insurgent activities. As always, the identity of the insurgents was not revealed. On 8 September, Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Vanasatidya promised to give Sonthi increased powers to better deal with the insurgency.[18] However, by 19 September 2006, the Army admitted that it still was unsure who to negotiate with.[19]
Three days later, Sonthi led a coup against the government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Sonthi's former superiors, Deputy Prime Minister for national security Chidchai Vanasatidya and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya were immediately arrested and have been detained ever since.
Despite escalating violence, in May 2007 Sonthi started withdrawing troops from the South, replacing them with territorial defence volunteers. He did not say why the regular army was to be reduced in the South.[25]
[edit] Military coup
Main article: 2006 Thailand coup d'état
During the peak of the Thailand political crisis in February 2006, Sondhi Limthongkul, leader of the anti-Thaksin People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), personally met Sonthi to request that the military intervene in the crisis. Afterwards, Sondhi claimed that Sonthi listened to him attentively and promised to consider his request. Sonthi later claimed that he was misled into receiving Sondhi, and had no intention to endorse the anti-government activists.[26]
On 19 September 2006, Sonthi and other military leaders launched a military coup against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. The coup-makers originally called themselves the Council for Democratic Reform. Tanks surrounded Government House in Bangkok and the military took over all broadcast media. Thaksin declared a state of emergency from New York City (where he had been attending a meeting of the United Nations), but his broadcast was cut in mid-sentence when the military seized the television station.
Sonthi dissolved Cabinet, Parliament, and the Constitutional Court, and temporarily gave himself powers equivalent to Prime Minister. He declared that the council would hand over power in two weeks.[27] On the second day of the coup, he received a formal mandate from King Bhumibol Adulyadej.[28]
General Sonthi later said in an interview that the coup was originally planned for 20 September, to coincide with a major anti-Thaksin rally also planned for that day. He cited the "Portuguese example" in which anti-government rallies coincided with a successful military rebellion which overthrew King Manuel II of Portugal and established the Portuguese First Republic. The coup was moved up to 19 September, when Thaksin was still in New York. Sonthi also stated that the coup was not an urgent measure mooted just a couple of days earlier. Sonthi also claimed that during a lunch that Thaksin had with the commanders of the armed forces, Thaksin had asked him "Will you stage a coup?" Sonthi replied: "I will."[29] This contradicted earlier public statements where he denied that the military would stage a coup.[30] He also revealed that as early as his 11 September visit to Myanmar, he had been wary of his personal safety. During flight, he carried a concealed pistol and sat next to the entrance to the cockpit.[31]
Sonthi and other junta leaders flew to Chiang Mai on an Air Force C-130 on 3 November 2006 to visit a prominent fortune-teller and perform a religious ceremony to ward off bad luck over their staging of the coup. The fortune teller, Varin Buaviratlert, had been Sonthi's long-time personal fortune-teller, and had foretold Sonthi's rise to become Army Commander.[32] Amid falling popularity, Sonthi sent his wife and several CNS leaders to visit her on 1 April 2007.[33]
Sonthi completely purged the military of all senior officers perceived as loyal to the Thaksin government, replacing them with officers that he personally trusted.[34][35]
[edit] Permanent constitution
In December 2006, junta chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin issued several guidelines for the permanent constitution being drafted by the CNS's drafting body. These included:
Restricting a Prime Minister to serving a maximum of two terms of office
Preventing a government from acting as a caretaker administration after dissolving Parliament.
Making it easier to launch a no-confidence debate against the Prime Minister. Whereas the 1997 Constitution required 200 out of the House's 500 MPs to launch a no-confidence debate against the Prime Minister, Sonthi demanded that 100 MPs be sufficient.
He also made several suggestions, including:
Transforming the Senate from an all-elected body in order to prevent relatives of politicians from being elected and thus perverting the non-partisan intent of the 1997 Constitution.
Allowing politicians to switch political parties at any time. The 1997 Constitution required that any candidate for the House belong to a political party for 90 days before the registration date for an election.
Banning the merger of political parties.[36]
Sonthi later denied dictating the content for the new constitution, but stated "We can't force them to do things but responsible people will know what the constitution should look like."[37]
He also suggested that the term in office of village heads and kamnan be increased from 5 years to 10 years, while the role of elected tambon administrative organisations be reduced.[38]
[edit] Relations with Singapore
In 2006, Thaksin Shinawatra sold his shares in telecom firm Shin Corp to Temasek Holdings. The sale also transferred control of Shin Corp's five satellites (including IPSTAR, the world's largest commercial satellite) and mobile phone operator to the Singaporean company. After the coup, Sonthi claimed that Singapore was eavesdropping on confidential mobile telephone calls made by junta leaders. AIS and Shin Satellite, Shin Corp's mobile operator and satellite operator, denied the claim. In February 2007, Sonthi vowed in front of a thousand volunteer territorial defence students to reclaim the satellites and other telecom assets. "Soldiers will not tolerate a loss of territory, not even a square inch," he said, and continued about how it was his specific duty to "retrieve our assets". Sonthi stopped short of threatening to nationalise the telecommunications conglomerate. An opinion poll found more than 78 percent of 1,116 Thais surveyed backed Sonthi's bid to somehow reclaim the satellites.[39][40][41]
Sonthi's deputy in the CNS, General Saprang Kalayanamitr, noted in a February interview that, "if the telecommunication business is in private hands, it won't be safe for the country."[42]
[edit] Human rights
Human Rights Watch accused the Thai Army, under Sonthi's command, of "disappearing" ethnic Malay Muslims in the far south in a deliberate attempt to defeat the South Thailand insurgency. "These 'disappearances' appear to be a matter of policy, not simply the work of rogue elements in the security services," said the agency in a report.[43]
[edit] Other controversies
Sonthi approved a 12 million baht top-secret budget for a public relations campaign to discredit Thaksin Shinawatra. The request for the money was submitted on 24 Jan 2007. Chianchuang Kalayanamitr, younger brother of CNS Deputy Secretary-General Saprang Kalayanamitr, was hired as head of the publicity team.[44] Politicians hired as part of the CNS campaign included Chat Pattana party leader Korn Dabbaransi, Democrats Korn Chatikavanij, and Korbsak Sabavasu, Prapat Panya-chatraksa, a key Thai Rak Thai member who defected to the Chat Thai party, plus ex-senator Kraisak Choonhavan. Academics hired by the CNS included Wuttipong Piebjriya-wat, Sophon Supapong, Narong Phet-prasert, and Somkiat Osotspa. However, Sophon denied he had anything to do with the campaign.[45]
After a bomb was exploded outside of Chitrlada Palace in early May 2007, junta leader Sonthi Boonratkalin claimed that the "old power group" was behind it, and told the press to ask PTV to learn more. He did not cite any evidence for his claims.[46]
Sonthi claimed in public that several upper-middle ranking public officials had attempted to give him between 40 and 100 million baht in order to get promoted to director-general posts. Sonthi noted that the incidents led him to conclude that paying bribes to get promoted was common during the deposed government of Thaksin Shinawatra. A criminal complaint was filed against Sonthi for failing to take action against the officials. "Sonthi knows who the people are. Why hasn't he charged them over their illegal actions?" said People's Television executive Veera Musigapong.[47]
Amid escalating public criticism of Premier Surayud in March 2007, Chaiwat Sinsuwong, leader of a PAD branch called the Assembly of Isaan People, personally met Sonthi to request that the military remove the Prime Minister. Afterwards, Chaiwat claimed that Sonthi listened to him attentively and promised to consider his request. Sonthi later claimed that he was tricked into receiving Chaiwat, and had no intention to endorse the anti-government activists.[26][48][49]
In May 2007, Sonthi warned about 40 senior newspaper columnists and executives to "report news correctly," saying that he had noticed columnists criticising situations in different ways, and making it clear that he wanted stories to be reported in the same direction.[50]
On 30 May 2007, a junta-appointed Constitutional Tribunal dissolved the Thai Rak Thai Party and banned over 100 of its executives, including Thaksin, from politics for 5 years. On the morning of the ruling, Sonthi met with Tribunal judge Ackaratorn Chularat. He later denied that he lobbied the Constitution Tribunal to ban the Thai Rak Thai executive team.[51]
[edit] Resignation from CNS, entry into politics
There was widespread public speculation that Sonthi would retain power after his mandatory retirement in 2007. Although he promised not to follow in the footsteps of former National Peace Keeping Coalition leader and deposed Prime Minister General Suchinda Kraprayoon, Sonthi did note that he alone could not make the decision as to whether he should become Prime Minister.[52]
In March 2007, Sonthi called for emergency rule to be declared in Bangkok in response to the protests by the founders of People's Television. In an interview, he noted that the protests had so far been peaceful, but that he was afraid the movement could lead to "mutiny and chaos in the country."[53]
As the military junta consolidated its power, Sonthi flip-flopped from earlier promises not to cling to power. In a television interview on 25 June 2007 he hinted at plans to enter politics after he retires as Army chief in September 2007, not denying a suggestion that a new political party might be created for him. The very next day, a group of allies and anti-Thaksin politicians launched Ruam Jai Thai (Thai Unity), a new party that “would not be unfriendly to the military”, as one put it.[54]
Sonthi's potential entry into politics was welcomed by Suthep Thaugsuban, Secretary-General of the Democrat Party. "It would be a good sign if Sonthi would turn himself into a politician because that is the way of democracy. We should appreciate him [if he did it that way]. He is welcome... I haven't talked about the matter with him. But, in general, the Army commander-in-chief, government officials or ordinary people are welcome here at the Democrat Party," Suthep said. [55]
Coup-supporter Suriyasai Katasila of the People's Alliance for Democracy suggested that Sonthi skip the next post-election and wait for the one after it, if he is keen about entering politics. Fellow coup-supporter Chamlong Srimuang, whose 1992 protests against Prime Minister Suchinda Kraprayoon led to the coup-leader's downfall, declined to state his views on Sonthi's future political role. CNS sources claimed that as of July 2007, Sonthi had not made a decision about whether or not to run in the next election.[56]
The Prime Minister's Office Minister defended Sonthi's right to formally enter politics. "Whether or not it is appropriate for him to contest the [next] general election is open to criticism, which, of course, has nothing to do with his right to run. If people consider it inappropriate, they will not vote for him or his party," the Minister said.[57]
In the months prior to July 2007, Sonthi co-chaired meetings of the Thai Cabinet, alongside Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont. He also travelled to the provinces to convince local officials to cut links with Thaksin Shinawatra and anti-junta politicians, telling them they would be treated better under his rule.[58] Sources claimed that Sonthi was planning to run for Parliament in the next election, representing Lopburi. General Pallop Pinmanee, Sonthi's advisor and director of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) was charged with building a support base for Gen Sonthi in Lopburi. ISOC staff were also sent to Northern and Northeastern provinces, political strongholds of Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party, to persuade local politicians to defect from Thai Rak Thai and join political parties backed by the military.[59]
Sonthi resigned as commander-in-chief of the Royal Thai Army on September 30, 2007. He was succeeded by General Anupong Paochinda.[60] Sonthi resigned as chairman of the Council for National Security on October 1, 2007.[1] He was succeeded as CNS chairman by Air Chief Marshal Chalit Pukbhasuk, the commander-in-chief of the Royal Thai Air Force. Sonthi accepted a post in the cabinet of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont as deputy prime minister in charge of security.[61][62]
[edit] Personal life
Sonthi has two concurrent wives. He registered to marry his first wife, Sukanya, when he was a lieutenant and registered to a second wife, Piyada, when he was a captain. He currently lives with both women. Bigamy is illegal in Thailand, and is punishable with a jail term. However, Interior Minister Aree Wongsaraya defended Sonthi, claiming that it was a personal matter. He boasted that he himself had six wives.[4][5]
Sonthi is of Persian lineage. His ancestor, Sheikh Ahmad Qomi,[63][64] was an Iranian expatriate trader who lived in Thailand for 26 years. Many Thais, including those from the Bunnag and Ahmadchula families trace their ancestry back to him.
[edit] Royal decorations
Sonthi has received the following royal decorations in the Honours System of Thailand:[65]
1972 - Victory Medal - Vietnam War
1973 - Freeman Safeguarding Medal, Second Class
1976 - Companion (Fourth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1982 - Border Service Medal
1984 - Commander (Third Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1989 - Chakra Mala Medal
1989 - Knight Commander (Second Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1991 - Knight Commander (Second Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1995 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1999 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
[edit] Foreign decorations
1970 - U.S. Army Commendation Medal, with Valor device
[edit] Quotes
"There is nobody who wants to stage a coup. I can assure that the military will not." 28 February 2006[66]
"The army will not get involved in the political conflict. Political troubles should be resolved by politicians. Military coups are a thing of the past.", 6 March 2006,[67]
"Nobody was behind us. We decided on our own, and we took care of it on our own ... because the people have called for it and also because of the mismanagement of the government.", 20 September 2006[68]
"Thaksin is a Thai and a fellow countryman and there will be no problem should he decide to return. We are like brothers.", 20 September 2006[69]
[edit]

SURAYUD CHULANONT.

2010-02-06T21:45:00.000-08:00

General (ret.) Surayud Chulanont (Thai: สุรยุทธ์ จุลานนท์, RTGS: Surayut Chulanon) is a Thai political figure. He was the Prime Minister of Thailand and head of Thailand's Interim Government between 2006 and 2008. He was a former Thai military officer, Army Commander, Supreme Commander, and currently Privy Councilor to King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
Surayud came from a military family, but Surayud's father defected from the Royal Thai Army to the Communist Party of Thailand when Surayud was a young boy. Surayud joined the Thai Army and rose to power as a close aide to General Prem Tinsulanonda. He commanded troops during Bloody May, the violent 1992 crackdown on anti-government protestors, but he denied giving his men the order to shoot protesters. He was promoted to Army Commander during the government of Chuan Leekpai and was promoted to Supreme Commander in 2003, under the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Upon retirement from the Army, King Bhumibol Adulyadej appointed Surayud to his Privy Council of personal advisors. Surayud and Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda played a key role in the promotion of General Sonthi Boonratklin to the position of Army Commander.
General Sonthi overthrew the government of Thaksin Shinawatra in a coup on 19 September 2006 and soon afterwards appointed Surayud as Prime Minister. Surayud's government was a controversial one. There was a significant worsening in perceived levels of corruption during his government.[1] Surayud's Deputy Finance Minister, Sommai Pasee, was sentenced to jail for abuse of power.[2] Surayud raised the military budget by 35% and was accused of economic mismanagement, rampant human rights abuses, and flip-flopping on numerous policies. Article 19 ranked Thailand as falling behind Cambodia and Indonesia in terms of freedom of expression.[3] Thailand's economic growth rate slowed to the lowest level in five years and was ranked the lowest in the region.[4][5] However, Surayud was praised for apologizing for atrocities committed by the Thai military fighting the South Thailand insurgency, although the apology was accompanied by a sharp escalation in violence. He has been accused of forest reserve encroachment (a charge that was not investigated since the statute of limitations had run out by 2 years) and illegally acquiring train carriages for display in his forest home. He is married to Chitravadi Santhadwet Chulanont (Thai: จิตรวดี สันทัดเวช) and has three sons, Nam, Khao and Captain Non.
Contents[hide]
1 Family and education
2 Military career
3 Privy Councilor
4 Environmentalist
5 Prime Minister of Thailand
5.1 Popularity
5.2 Drafting of a permanent constitution and elections
5.3 Cabinet appointments
5.4 Key policies
5.4.1 Telecommunications
5.4.2 Culture
5.4.3 Public health
5.4.4 Energy
5.4.5 Security and the southern insurrection
5.4.6 Education
5.4.7 Economy and agriculture
5.4.8 Suvarnabhumi Airport
5.4.9 Human rights
5.4.10 Other
5.5 Thaksin Shinawatra
5.6 Council for National Security
6 Criticism
6.1 Forest encroachment
6.2 Corruption
7 Royal decorations
8 References
9 External links
10 Further reading
//
[edit] Family and education

General Surayud Chulanont
Surayud came from a long line of military leaders, and was reported to have some Chinese ancestry.[6] His maternal grandfather was Phraya Sri Sitthi Songkhram (Din Tharab), a royalist leader during the failed Boworadej Rebellion. Surayud's father was Lt. Colonel Phayom Chulanont, a Royal Thai Army military officer who, as "Comrade Too Khamtan" (Thai: สหายตู้คำตัน, RTGS: sahai tu khamtan), became a member of the Central Committee Communist Party of Thailand and Chief of Staff of the People's Liberation Army of Thailand.[7]
Surayud completed his early education at Saint Gabriel's College and Suankularb Wittayalai School in Bangkok. He graduated from the inaugural class of Armed Forces Preparatory Academy.
As a boy, Surayud's father left his family to go underground to join the Communists. Phayom explained his defection by citing corruption in the army and its inability to defend the powerless.[8] His father's defection to the Communists had a large impact on Surayud. Surayud's son, Non, noted that, "My father always told me that we must help each other redeem the tarnished family name of Chulanont so that Thais can look up to it."[9]
Surayud entered the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy (CRMA) and graduated from Class 12.
Surayud was conferred an honorary doctorate degree in engineering, 4 April 2007, by Tokai University, Japan, which has had a close association with King Mongkut's Institute of Technology Ladkrabang (KMITL), Thailand where Surayud has been chancellor of the council.
[edit] Military career
Early in his army career, Surayud served in several Army divisions including a light artillery unit and a paratrooper unit. He conducted operations against the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) while his father was a leader of the CPT. From 1972 to 1978, he was an instructor at the Special Warfare School. He was a close aide to General Prem Tinsulanonda when Prem was appointed Army Commander and later Prime Minister of Thailand. Surayud was appointed Commander of the Special Warfare Command in 1992, where he was the commanding officer of Sonthi Boonratklin.[10]

General Surayud wearing the black beret of the Cavalry Corps
During Bloody May, the violent crackdown 1992 on anti-government protestors, Surayud's men were seen shooting protesters and dragging them through the bloody lobby of the Royal Hotel. He later claimed that he never gave orders for his soldiers to shoot.[11] According to a later interview, "It convinced me that the army should never be involved in politics."[8] Days later he told a national television audience that he deplored the loss of life and that he had not given any orders to shoot.[8] In 1994, he was appointed Commander of the 2nd Army Region.
Surayud was promoted to Army Commander in late 1998. At the time, his promotion was controversial, as Surayud had been promoted above the heads of several officers more senior to him. Surayud appointed several of his classmates from Class 12 of the CRMA to key lucrative positions. Among these were Lt Gen Sompong Maivichit, who he made head of Army controlled Channel 5 television station, replacing Gen Pang Malakul na Ayudhya, and Lt Gen Boonrod Somtap, who he promoted to a key subordinate position to replace Gen Charn Boonprasert.[12] He also ended a policy of deporting Burmese refugees, especially ethnic Karens, back to Burma. "He's been a friend to us," said Pastor Robert Htway of the Karen Refugee Committee.[8] Under his term, Thai soldiers took part in the United Nations Peace Keeping Force, assisting UN-PKF efforts in East Timor.
In March 2002, Surayud ordered one of Thailand's largest military operations in recent times, when Thai troops moved deep into Myanmar territory to destroy drug labs and military bases controlled by the United Wa State Army.[13]
In 2003, after over 4 years as Army Commander, Surayud was promoted to the position of Supreme Commander, a loftier but less influential post, during the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. He was replaced as Army Commander by Somthad Attanan. His promotion was rumored to be the result of a conflict with the Prime Minister.[8]
[edit] Privy Councilor
Upon his retirement from the Army, Surayud briefly joined the Buddhist monkhood. On 14 November 2003, King Bhumibol Adulyadej appointed Surayud to his Privy Council of personal advisors. From retirement, Surayud and Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda played a key role in the promotion of General Sonthi Boonratklin to the position of Army Commander.[14][15]
Facing an escalating insurgency in the south of Thailand, Surayud urged the media to paint a more positive picture of the violence. "Truthful words that may not be beneficial should be avoided," noted Surayud to the Press Council of Thailand. He was contradicted by Deputy Prime Minister Chaturon Chaisang, who noted that he couldn't think of any news about the conflict in the South that could or should not be reported by the media.[16]
In response to numerous claims made by anti-Thaksin activist Sondhi Limthongkul that his People's Alliance for Democracy was "fighting for the King", Surayud resonded by saying that "Recent references to the monarchy were inappropriate. The institution should not be involved in politics. Political disputes should be solved in a political way."[17]
In January 2008, not long after Surayud ended his term as Prime Minister, he was again reappointed to King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council.
[edit] Environmentalist
Surayud was chairman of the Khao Yai National Park Protection Foundation.[18]
However, after becoming Premier in 2006, he was accused of breaching the Forestry Act and the National Forest Reserves Act by illegally owning forest land in Yaithiang Mountain of Nakhon Ratchasima province. He vowed to resign and return the land (which he did not deny owning) if found guilty.[19]
[edit] Prime Minister of Thailand
Main article: Thailand 2006 interim civilian government
See also: Policies of the Surayud government
Surayud was already considered a strong candidate for appointment as civilian prime minister premiership immediately after General Sonthi overthrew the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Indeed Surayud's appointment to the Premiership was confirmed by junta leader Sonthi Boonyaratkalin on the morning of Sunday 1 October 2006. Sonthi had a formal audience with King Bhumibol Adulyadej at 4 pm that day to nominate Surayud's name to the monarch.[20][21] "Security and social unity" were cited by Sonthi as the key reasons for appointing Surayud.[22]
Surayud announced that as Premier, he would "Focus on self-sufficiency, more than focusing on the GDP numbers. I will focus on the happiness of the people, more than the GDP."[23] He also claimed that he would be "Friendly to every party, trying to receive information from every side and meeting people as much as possible. I will lead a government based on justice."[11]
The policies and positions of several ministers in Surayud's Cabinet changed very frequently, sometimes on a daily basis. Notable flip-flops included Thailand's refusal to share avian flu samples with the WHO, capital controls against foreign investment, shareholding limits for foreign investors in telecommunications firms, the identity of bombers in the 2006 New Year's Eve bombings, and the role of the Malaysian government in mediating the South Thailand insurgency.
While he was Prime Minister, Surayud's wife, Colonel Khunying Chitrawadee, was awarded the Dame Grand Commander (Second Class) of the Most Illustrious Order of Chulachomklao feudal decoration, allowing her to use the prefix Than Phu Ying.[24]
[edit] Popularity
The Surayud government's initial nation-wide approval rating in October 2006 stood at 60%, with 8% disapproving. By early November, this fell to 55% approving and 15% disapproving.[25] For comparison, a nation-wide poll in July 2006 found that 49% of respondents would have voted for Thaksin Shinawatra in the cancelled October elections.[26]
The 2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings caused Surayud's popularity to drop to 48.5% according to Assumption University's polling arm - and just 11% said they had "full confidence" the government can handle the crisis.[27]
The 2007 Chinese New Year Bombings, which saw 38 bombing attacks, 26 cases of arson, and seven ambushes within a single day, caused Surayud's popularity to drop even further. 53.7% of respondents living in Bangkok and other major cities in felt the government and the CNS could not put an end to problems in the country. Only 24.6% thought that the situation would improve in 6 months.[28]
By 24 February 2007, his popularity among Bangkokians had further dropped to 34.8%, although he was still more popular than Thaksin Shinawatra, whom 28.8% of Bangkokians favored.[29]
By 4 March 2007, only 31.3% of people in Bangkok supported the government's political stance. This fell dramatically to 12.5% by 26 March 2007.[30]
The US government decided to continue holding "Cobra Gold" joint military exercises with the Thai government. Immediately after the coup, Washington had halted all military cooperation with, and aid to, the junta. US law forbade assistance to governments of a country where an elected leader has been deposed in a coup.[31]
In response to the declining popularity of the junta, Surayud, reportedly a believer in feng shui, had Government House re-landscaped. He also removed all pictures of former Prime Ministers from the building.[32]
In early May 2007, activists from the Assembly of Isaan People met with junta chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin in order to appeal for him to remove Surayud Chulanont. Sonthi personally met the anti-Surayud activists within Army Headquarters and promised he would consider their request. This was the first time that Sonthi personally met people calling for the removal of Surayud.[33] Sonthi later claimed that he was "tricked" into meeting the activists.[34]
To counter growing criticisms, Surayud launched a weekly talk show called "Poed Baan Phitsanulok" ("Opening Up Baan Pitsanulok"; Baan Pitsanulok is the informal name for government house) to highlight his achievements. The show aired on state-run Channel 11 every Saturday between 8.30 am and 9.15 am. Calling the weekly radio show that was hosted by Thaksin Shinawatra when he was Premier "propaganda", he denied any similarity between the two shows.[35]
The military junta's popularity continued to decline. By late June 2007, an ABAC Poll found that only 13.6% supported the government, with 69.8 of respondents disappointed with the political situation.[36]
The government's popularity continued to decline into July, when survey respondants in Bangkok and outlying areas gave the government an average score of 4.32 out of 10. The average score had been 4.53 in March 2007 and 5.27 in January 2007. Fewer than 15% of respondents in the survey felt that the nation's overall situation had improved during the government's nine-month tenure, while 31.6% said the situation remained unchanged and the majority, 34.9% said it had worsened.[37]
[edit] Drafting of a permanent constitution and elections
The junta's 2006 Interim Constitution authorized the junta to appoint a 2,000 person National Assembly which would select members to become candidates for a Constitution Drafting Assembly. From the onset of his appointment as Premier, Surayud Chulanont was urged by academics to override the junta's control of the constitution drafting process. Somchai Siripreechakul, Dean of Law at Chiang Mai University, urged Surayud to call a general election as soon as possible and hand the task of drafting a charter to an elected parliament.[38] Banjerd Singkhaneti of Thammasat University noted of the constitution drafting process, "I think it will be a mess and the next constitution will be just that."[39]
After the coup, the military junta had originally promised to draft a permanent charter within eight months and to hold elections in October 2007. However, Prime Minister's Office Minister Thirapat Serirangsan later announced that elections might not occur until one year and five months.[40]
After a constitutional referendum on August 19, Surayud promised that elections would “definitely” be held in late December.[41]
[edit] Cabinet appointments
Prem Tinsulanonda, President of the King's Privy Council, played a significant role in picking the members of Surayud's Cabinet. General Boonrawd Somtas, a former CDRMA classmate and longtime friend of Surayud, was appointed Defense Minister.[42] former Interior Permanent Secretary Aree Wong-araya was appointed Interior Minister, former Energy Policy and Planning Office director Piyasvasti Amranand became Energy Minister, central bank governor Pridiyathorn Devakula became Finance Minister, and Bangkok Bank Chairman Kosit Panpiemras became Industry Minister. Michael Nelson of Chulalongkorn University noted that the Cabinet was dominated by bureaucrats and that "It's very strongly guided by military ideas combined with some technocrats, some people in economic areas and some former bureaucrats."[43]
Pridiyathorn later resigned on 28 February 2007. His resignation shocked the political world as well as the business community.[44] He cited reasons for resignation included,
Surayud's decision to appoint Pridiyathorn's rival, former Thaksin-government Finance Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, as a self-sufficiency economy special envoy. Somkid resigned from his position after less than a week.
Prime Minister's Office Minister Thirapat Serirangsan's alleged preference to certain private media interests.[45] Several analysts speculated that he was referring to the preferential treatment the junta gave to leading anti-Thaksin critic Sondhi Limthongkul, who was also a long-time critic of Pridiyathorn.[46][47]
Pridiyathorn was replaced by Chalongphob Sussangkarn, an academic who led the Thailand Development Research Institute. Chalongphob had previously criticized the junta's capital controls policy.[48]
[edit] Key policies
[edit] Telecommunications
The planned merger of state-telecom companies TOT and CAT.[49]
The cancellation of plans to list TOT, CAT, and Thai Post on the Stock Exchange of Thailand.[50]
The cancellation of the Thaksin government's telecom excise tax policy. The Thaksin government imposed an excise tax on privately offered fixed and cellular services, and then allowed telecom companies to deduct the amount they paid in excise tax from concession fees they had to pay to state concession owners TOT or CAT Telecom. The total amount paid by the private telecom firms did not change. The Surayud government's excise tax cancellation meant that TOT and CAT would receive their full concession payments. However, TOT and CAT were then forced to increase their dividends to the Ministry of Finance to account for their increased income.[51]
Changing the publicly-listed state-enterprise media company MCOT's policy from focusing on monetary benefits to social benefits. MCOT's stock prices dropped 5.13% to an 11-month low as a result.[52]
Surayud reversed policies many times regarding the fate of the iTV TV station. Surayud first announced that it intended to take over the station and promised that the station would not be taken off the air no matter what happened regarding its concession controversy. However, in early March 2007, PM's Office Minister Dhipawadee Meksawan announced that the station would be taken off the air on midnight on 6 March 2007, following the Cabinet's revocation of iTV's concession. Surayud apologized for not keeping his word.[53][54][55][56] Then on 7 March 2007, Surayud reversed his decision yet again and ordered that iTV continue broadcasting after the deadline had passed.[57]
[edit] Culture
The planned ban against all forms of advertising for alcoholic beverages.[58]
The banning of all "sexually-arousing dances" (locally called "coyote dances") during the Loy Kratong festival.[59]
From March 2007 onwards, encouraging that all Thai citizens dress in yellow every day until December 31 2007, in order to display loyalty King Bhumibol and celebrate his 80th birthday.[60][61]
Urging Chulalongkorn University to take action against its fourth-year psychology student Pemmika Veerachatraksit, for having broken university discipline by having an affair with another person's husband. The Culture Ministry claimed that as a student, being accused of having an adulterous affair should be taken as guilt. The student was sued for 27 million baht by Alisa Thomthitchong for allegedly having an affair with her husband, Dr Prakitpao Thomthitchong.[62]
[edit] Public health
Making the 30-baht universal healthcare program completely free.[58] The Budget Bureau criticized the move.[63] The government later cut the universal healthcare program budget by over 3.8 billion baht, providing a subsidy of just 1,899 baht per head, compared to the previously proposed figure of 2,089 baht. The number of eligible people was cut from 48 million to 46 million people.[64] Funding for the program was diverted from the government's road-accident victims' protection fund.[65]
License the production and sale of patented HIV and heart disease drugs without the permission of the foreign patent owners. Lack of public health budget was cited as the reasons for breaking the patents. "It has stunned our industry," said the President of the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association (PReMA). The Minister of Public Health claimed that pharmaceutical industry was reaping "colossal" profits. Under World Trade Organization rules, a government is allowed to break patents under after declaring a "national emergency."[66] Breaking the patents of Abbott's HIV treatment Kaletra and Sanofi-Aventis' blood clot drug Plavix was estimated to save Thailand US$24 million a year.[67]. Abbott Laboratories said it would stop launching new medicines in Thailand in protest at the junta's move to override international drug patents. "Thailand has chosen to break patents on numerous medicines, ignoring the patent system. As such, we've elected not to introduce new medicines there," an Abbott spokesperson told reporters. The seven withdrawn drugs include the new version of Kaletra, an antibiotic, a painkiller and medicines to fight blood clots, arthritis, kidney disease and high blood pressure.[68]
The junta joined Indonesia in a boycott on sharing its H5N1 avian influenza virus samples with vaccine developers and the international health community. Surayud's Public Health Minister told reporters that "Drugmakers rarely help us. They only gave us a small amount of vaccine, just like a donation." Thailand had 25 H5N1 cases and 17 deaths since 2003, ranking it the fourth hardest hit country by the avian flu. Indonesia stopped sharing its H5N1 samples with the WHO at the end of 2006 since the strains were being used to develop vaccines that the country couldn't afford.[69][70]
Thailand's representative to the World Health Organisation (also special advisor to the public health minister), Dr Suwit Wibulpolprasert said that during an executive board meeting of the WHO in January, Dr Suwit, declared that if an influenza pandemic were to hit Thailand, he would advise the government to hold Western tourists hostage until those countries gave Thailand the necessary vaccines. The US government has lodged a formal protest letter and requested an apology. US Health and Human Services Secretary Michael Leavitt wrote that Dr Suwit's comments "appear to contravene the spirit and provisions of the revised International Health Regulations."[71]
Human Rights Watch and the Thai AIDS Treatment Action Group claimed that the Surayud junta failed to provide safe treatment for drug users infected with HIV, and did not effectively promote harm reduction techniques to stop the spread of the virus.[72]
[edit] Energy
The indefinite delayal of the previous government's policy of converting all octane 95 gasoline sales to gasohol.[73]
The cancellation of state electricity company EGAT's guaranteed 50% share in all new power plant construction.[74]
The prevention of EGAT from participating in bidding for new electricity plants under the Independent Power Producer (IPP) program.[75]
The cancellation of plans to import hydroelectric power and natural gas from Myanmar.[13]
The development of a US$6 billion nuclear power plant. The 4,000 megawatt plant would be Thailand's first.[76] The government announced that it would start a large public relations program, starting with kindergarten children, of "educating" the public about how nuclear power was unavoidable.[77]
[edit] Security and the southern insurrection
An increase in military spending by 35% in 2007, compared to 2006.[78] The budget for 2008 totalled 140 billion baht, 24% higher than 2007 and representing 8.6% of the total 2008 budget.[79][80] Since 1999, military spending had remained stagnant at approximately $2 billion in 2000 dollars.[81][82] In addition, Surayud received an extra request for an additional 17.6 billion baht to fund counter-insurgency efforts in the far South over the next four years on top of an additional 456-million-baht secret military budget.[83]
Issuing a formal apology regarding the the Tak Bai incident.[84] The day after he issued his apology, 46 violent incidents were recorded, compared with a daily average of 9 in the previous month. Violence continued to escalate throughout 2006 and 2007.[85]
Revealing for the first time to the public that the insurgency was being finance by a network of restaurants and stalls selling Tom Yam Kung in Malaysia. Surayud claimed that the Tom Yam Kung network collected money from local businessmen through blackmail and demands for protection fees and channelled the sum to the separatists.[86] Malaysian Deputy Security Minister Fu Ah Kiow described the revelation as "absolutely baseless," and "very imaginative."[87]
Surayud's Cabinet gave the staff of the Internal Security Operations Command a 84.3 million baht "reward". The ISOC had originally requested the reward in 2003, but was turned down by the Thaksin government.[88]
Appointing Seripisut Temiyavet as Police Commissioner General, replacing Kowit Watana. Kowit was transferred to a civilian post soon after arresting several military personnel for alleged involvement in the 2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings. Kowit protested his transfer, and the Central Administrative Court later an injunction to protect him from the transfer until it reached a final ruling on the matter.[89]
Allowing the Malaysian government to help mediate in the South Thailand insurgency, contradicting a statement by Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram made just 2 days before.[90]
[edit] Education
The cancellation of Thailand's participation in the One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) program.[91] The project has been criticized as unrealistic for an impoverished country like Thailand.[92]
The cancellation of plans to install personal computers and broadband internet connections in every public and secondary school in Thailand.[93]
Forcing 430 prestigious schools across the country to accept half of their students from the local neighborhood. All other schools would be required to accept all applicants; if applicants exceeded seats, a random draw would choose which applicants would be accepted.[94]
The continuation of the Thaksin Shinawatra government's "One District, One Scholarship" program under the name "Scholarships for Community Development". The maximum annual income for eligible recipients' families was rased from 100,000 baht to 150,000 baht.[95]
The proposed cancellation of the guarantee of 12 years of free education in the next constitution of Thailand.[96]
[edit] Economy and agriculture

Surayud Chulanont
A budget deficit of 147 billion Baht for fiscal year 2007. This was the first budget deficit since 2003.[97] Fiscal deficits were also expected for 2008.[98]The Deficit expanded to 168 billion baht in 2008. The junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly passed the budget unanimously. The deficit would be funded by domestic borrowing.[79][99]
Capital controls in an attempt to reverse a massive appreciation of the Thai Baht. The moves caused a crash in the Thai stock market, with a one-day loss of 820 billion baht (approx. US$22 billion) in market value. The move resulted in harsh criticism both within Thailand and abroad. "My definition of what's going on is 'Welcome to amateur hour,'" said Donald Gimbel, fund manager for Carret & Co. Korn Chatikavanij of the Democrat party noted a policy reversal, "That can't repair the damage that was caused in one historic day."[100] The Export-Import Bank of Thailand also criticized the capital controls.[101]
Elimination of subsidies for rice farmers. The price of rice, set at 30% above market prices during the deposed Thaksin Shinawatra government, was dramatically lowered. It was claimed that the high price of rice seriously affected farmers and caused social burdens.[102]
The cancellation of the Million Cows project. Under the project, the government lent five million cows to one million farming families. The families were allowed to sell milk and calves for profit. The program was highly popular among politicians.[103]
The rebranding of Thaksin Shinawatra's "SML" village development scheme as the "sufficiency village development scheme." Villagers wishing to draw down funds under the scheme were now required to draft projects based on the King's self-sufficient economy principles. The self-sufficiency scheme was given a budget of 10 billion baht.[104]
The cancellation of the Assets Capitalisation Bureau, the administrator of the Thaksin-government's asset capitalization program. The program allowed people owning assets not accepted by banks as collateral (e.g., machinery, intellectual property rights, or land rental rights) to capitalize those assets and get loans. According to the government, the abolition of the Assets Capitalisation Bureau was based on its policy not to encourage people to go into debt. Critics claimed the program was cancelled due to its association with the deposed premier.[105]
In order to punish Thaksin Shinawatra for his sale of Shin Corp to a Singaporean company, Surayud altered regulations concerning foreign ownership of companies.[106] This impacted the legality of thousands of local subsidiaries of foreign companies operating in Thailand.[107] However, Finance Minister Pridiyathorn noted that, "If they (foreign investors) had seen the details (of the foreign investment law), I am sure that they would be happy."[108][109] Brokers and analysts criticized the move as a political intervention that hurt the economy.[110] The governments of the United States, Canada, Switzerland, Japan, and European Union protested the move.[111]
Reversing the Thaksin government's "dual track" economic policy and relying too heavily on exports. Deputy Prime Minister Kosit Panpiemras admitted that the Surayud government was not doing enough to stimulate domestic consumption to drive economic growth.[112]
The approval of debt-relief measures for farmers. This prompted Northeastern farmer leaders from cancelling a planned protests in Bangkok.[113]
Surayud appointed Thaksin-government Finance Minister Somkid Jatusripitak to head of a government committee charged with promoting King Bhumibol's self-sufficient economy policy to a foreign audience. The appointment provoked great controversy, as critics claimed that the populist economics czar had no role promoting a key principle of the Surayud-government's economic policy.[114][115] Somkid appointment was supported by General Saprang Kalyanamitr, a powerful member of the junta, and Sondhi Limthongkul of the People's Alliance for Democracy, a long-time colleague of Somkid's. Somkid later decided to resign from the committee, which was then dissolved. Somkid's long-time rival, Finance Minister Pridiyathorn Devakula, denied any role in Somkid's resignation.[116]
The junta, blaming the Thaksin government's lending to the grassroots sector for creating off-balance sheet government debts, cut off rural lending. However, it soon faced an economic slowdown, and decided to increase rural lending in order to revive the economy.[117]
Surayud's Cabinet approved a draft bill that would ban the privatization of several state enterprises, including the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT), the Metropolitan Water Works Authority (MWWA), the Thailand Tobacco Monopoly, and the Government Lottery Office.[118]
After the coup, Surayud announced that all free trade agreement negotiation and drafting be immediately stopped. However, in February 2007, it gave the go-ahead for the Japan-Thailand Economic Partnership Agreement (JTEPA). The policy U-turn was criticized by many, including Saneh Chamarik of the National Human Rights Commission, Kraisak Choonhavan, Greenpeace Southeast Asia, FTA Watch.[119] The Surayud government was charged with policy corruption.[120] The JTEPA was finally signed on April 3, 2007 in Tokyo, Japan.[121][122] Protests against the FTA were held at the Japanese embassy in Bangkok.[123]
Surayud declared that all mobile phone contracts with the government were illegal. The concessions would be renegotiated within a few months, before the military junta was scheduled to hold elections.[124]
Surayud approved a draft retail business law which gave the Interior Ministry power to curb the expansion of large retailers through its city planning and building codes. The move is part of a set of measures proposed by the Commerce Ministry to halt the rapid expansion of giant retailers, which interest groups blamed for causing the demise of thousands of "mom and pop" stores. However, the president of Thai Retailers Association said that the new retail law would "damage the sentiment and confidence" in the Thai economy, which could cause a domino effect on employment, manufacturing and public spending. "The Cabinet has stepped back to allow 'old traders' in many areas to continue to monopolise the market instead of creating more choices for the consumer," he said.[125]
Surayud's economic policies failed to stem a slowdown of the economy. In the last quarter of 2006, the economy expanded 3.9%, a drop from the 4.7% recorded before the coup. Applications to build new factories and other facilities dropped 24% in 2006.[126] In February 2007, Thai consumer confidence fell to the lowest point in 5 years.[127] Consumer confidence continued its decline in March.[128] Private sector non-bank foreign debt rose for the first time in 6 years.[129] Thailand's competitiveness dropped to among the worst in the Asia-Pacific region, according to the Switzerland-based Institute for Management Development.[130]
[edit] Suvarnabhumi Airport
Surayud ordered the reopening Don Muang Airport for domestic and international flights. This decision came after allegations that the newly opened Suvarnabhumi Airport alone was incapable of handling future traffic volume and that the airport was unsafe. The decision met with strong opposition from Airports of Thailand, the Civil Aviation Department, the Board of Airline Representatives in Thailand (BAR), the International Air Transport Association (IATA), the Thai Airways International labor union, and many domestic and international airlines, including Thai Airways and the Star Alliance.[131][132][133] 60 airlines threatened to halt flights to Thailand if they were forced to move back to Don Muang airport.[134][135]
A two-week investigation led by Tortrakul Yomnak, a chief engineer for Airports of Thailand and prominent supporter of the anti-Thaksin movement, found that the runway was safe, and that cracks could be repaired in as little as a few hours.[136] At the beginning of the investigation, Tortrakul had warned that the airport might need to be closed for three years.[137] However, Admiral Bannawit Keng-rien, chairman of the National Legislative Assembly's airport committee, urged Surayud to close down Suvarnabhumi. Surayud's decision to reopen Don Muang was based on his personal advisors, without waiting for the Ministry of Transport or Airports of Thailand to finish their studies.[138]
A completed study by the AoT showed that the cost of fixing 60 identified problems at the airport would be less than 1% of the total airline cost and the problems could be fixed in up to four to five years. Dr. Narupol Chaiyut, a member of a committee overseeing service problems at the new airport, estimated that 70% of the problems would be fixed within 2007.[139]
Surayud and AoT Chairman General Saprang Kalayanamitr refused to authorize urgent repairs on the airport tarmac, despite warnings from engineers. Karun Chandrarangsu, president of the Engineering Institute of Thailand (and a close relative to Srisuk Chandrarangsu, who was a former AOT board member, which was implicated in several corruption allegations, such as CTX and King Power scandals, and now being investigated[citation needed]) noted, "Suvarnabhumi is like a patient in a coma who continues to suffer from severe bleeding. Stopping the blood flow now is more urgent and important than debating what caused the injury."[140] The Engineering Institute of Thailand sent a formal warning to AoT in November 2006 about the urgent need to drain water from beneath the tarmac, and that immediate action should be taken. "The AOT did nothing about the problem," Suebsak Promboon of the EIT noted. "The situation might not have become this bad if the water had been drained then." Suebsak Promboon, a senior foundation engineer and a member of the Tortrakul Yomnak-led airport tarmac inspection panel, accused the AOT of refusing to take any actions to solve the problems at the airport.[141]
[edit] Human rights
Censorship of broadcast television. Troops were dispatched to all television stations on the night of the coup and remain there as of late December 2006. An interview with the late Nuamthong Phaiwan broadcast by television channel iTV came to an abrupt end after the Director of Army-owned Royal Thai Army Radio and Television called the station to warn them against the broadcast. Additional troops were dispatched to "keep order" at the station.[142] Broadcast media were to stop airing news about former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his associates.[143] Military control over broadcast television was tighter than at any time in the past 15 years.[144]
Censorship of community radio. Thousands of community radio stations were shut down after the coup. Community radio operators were only allowed to rebroadcast if they reported in the "spirit of national unity." The junta retained the authority to shut down any station at any time.[145]
Massive censorship of the internet. Pre-coup, the government blocked 2,475 websites, while as of January 2007, the government blocked 13,435 websites - an increase of a shade under 443%.[146] In addition, the popular Midnight University web board was shut down for what the government claimed were posts offensive to the monarchy.[147] Numerous anti-coup, anti-junta, and pro-Thaksin websites were blocked.[148]
Strict execution of the CNS's ban against all political activities.[149]
The establishment of a 14,000-strong special operations force with a mandate to control anti-junta protests. The 556 million baht fund allocation came from a request by the Council for National Security. The rapid deployment force began operations on 1 December 2006. Surayud refused to explain why his Cabinet approved funding of the force after it had already started, which was contrary to PM's Office directives. Government spokesman Yongyuth Mayalarp promised that the force would be dissolved in 30 September 2007, along with the CNS. The funds would be diverted from the Defense Ministry and Police Office, but if those two agencies lacked funding, they would be diverted from the government's reserve fund for emergency situations. Yongyuth revealed that no Cabinet members questioned the use of the fund. General Saprang Kallayanamit, assistant Secretary-General of the CNS, was appointed Commander of the force.[150][151]
Arresting and impeding anti-coup/anti-junta protestors. Several arrests occurred in the immediate aftermath of the coup. In 15 March 2007, five political activists were arrested in Sanam Luang and their stage demolished.[152] The government also violently cracked down on protestors at the house of Prem Tinsulanonda, and arrested several protestors, including an interim National Human Rights Commissioner and former chief justice of the Criminal Court.[153][154] Afterwards, Surayud, along with his entire Cabinet, went to Prem's house to apologize to him for "apologise for failing to take good care of him." Surayud accused the protestors of trying to "bring down the highest institution of the country."[155]
Surayud defended the detention of Chiang Mai protestor Sombat Boonngarm-anong (head of the Midnight University) after he criticized the junta and the Surayud government in public. Sombat was not allowed to make any phone calls during his detention and was only allowed to receive a phone call from former Chiang Rai Senator Tuanjai Deethet. He also said the military did not allow him to drink anything during his detention. Sombat claimed that the director of Phitsanulok Military Intelligence told him he had committed a crime against the state by disseminating one-sided information to the public and was liable for the death penalty under Article 116 of the Criminal Code.[156]
Censorship and manipulation of the media. The government cancelled the most popular program on state-owned broadcaster's MCOT's Modernine TV, Khui Khui Khao. The anti-Thaksin movement claimed the program's host, prominent political commentator Sorrayuth Suthassanachinda, was a supporter of the overthrown premier.[157][158] A daily slot was given for anti-Thaksin crusader Sondhi Limthongkul's "Yam Fao Paen Din", a show that media reformers called a junta "propaganda tool." Lese majeste charges against Sondhi filed prior to the coup were dropped, admittedly for no legal reason.[159][160] Seri Wongmontha and Boonyod Sukthintai, both prominent members of the anti-Thaksin People's Alliance for Democracy, were given program slots.[161]
Censoring nationalized television station TITV. TITV was ordered not to produce any news reports that ran counter to government policies. Government officials attended all news briefing to make sure no news content conflicted with the junta's interests.[162]
Forbidding motorcycle taxi drivers in Bangkok and adjacent provinces from participating in anti-coup/anti-junta rallies.[163] Thousands of members of the Assembly of the Poor (AOP) were also prevented by military and government officials from boarding buses from their home provinces to stage demonstrations in Bangkok. Authorities cited the lack of paper permit required under martial law (still in effect in more than 30 provinces at the time of the planned protests).[164]
Surayud's ICT Minister Sitthichai Pookaiyaudom claimed that criticising the president of the Privy Council was a threat to national security, justifying the shutdown of any websites containing critical material.[165]
The Surayud government pushed through a cyber crime law that criminalized any attempt to get around government internet censors to access any of the tens of thousands of sites censored for supposedly moral or political purposes. The law also made it a serious crime for service providers to withhold IP addresses from government requets.[166]
The approval of a law that would imprison anyone found guilty of forwarding a pornographic e-mail for up to three years.[167]
The shutdown of a radio station that broadcast a call-in from deposed Premier Thaksin. Thaksin made what was his first post-coup statement on Thai broadcast media on 16 May 2007 when he called in to Bangkok's 87.75FM and 92.75FM community radio stations. The next day, officials from the junta, the government's Public Relations Department (PRD), and the Internal Security Operations Command inspected the community radio station. The station then went off the air.[168]
The arrest of anti-junta White Dove 2000 protestors in Chiang Mai in May 2007. The protestors claimed that they had sought permission from the Deputy Governor and the Third Army Region Commander to use the demonstration site. Military officials claimed that the protestors had documents and CDs with content that was deemed likely to instigate political conflict.[169]
The establishment of a 700,000 strong network of junta supporters to prevent anti-junta demonstrators from allegedly inciting violence. "The idea is to take out as many as possible prospective demonstrators. In a public rally with less than 50,000 participants, there will be no problem," said the head of the ISOC.[170]
The repeal of junta restrictions against organizing protests on 9 November 2006. However, martial law has been lifted in most of the country.[171]
Censorship of Somtow Sucharitkul's opera Ayodhya. It was thought that the on-stage death of the demon-king, Thotsakan, would constitute a bad omen. Somtow, a harsh critic of the deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, criticized the move but agreed to modify the scene.[172][173]
January 15, 2007: The military government has censored the interview of Thaksin Shinawatra on CNN in Thailand.[174]
[edit] Other
The granting of unprecedented salaries for the leaders of the military junta.[175][176]
Expanding Bangkok's mass transit rail network by 5 new routes, using the same amount as budgeted by the deposed Thaksin government.[177]
On Friday 18 May 2007, Surayud claimed that if the country were politically peaceful, generations elections under a new constitution could be held earlier than 16 or 23 December. On Saturday 19 May 2007, he claimed he had misspoken, and said it would be impossible to hold general elections before mid-December. He noted that he had just realized that earlier elections would conflict with preparations for King Bhumibol's 80th birthday celebrations in 5 December.[178]
Submitting draft legislation that would force children from age one to apply for and carry identification cards to the legislature. Failure to apply for the card would carry a 500 baht fine while not producing the card to officials would be punishable by a 200 baht fine.[179]
[edit] Thaksin Shinawatra
Surayud warned deposed Premier Thaksin Shinawatra several times against returning to Thailand, calling his return "a threat".[180] During a November 2006 trip to China for the ASEAN-China Summit, Surayud refused to meet Thaksin, who was also in China at the time.[181] Surayud later denied Thaksin the opportunity to return to Thailand to contest in eventual elections, and said that the appropriate time for him to return would be "after a year," when a newly elected government was already in place.[182]
Thaksin's diplomatic passport was revoked by the Foreign Ministry on 31 December 2006 after the government claimed he had engaged in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. Traditionally, all former prime ministers and foreign ministers of Thailand were permitted to hold on to their diplomatic passports for life.[183]
Thaksin later publicly announced that he was quitting politics. Surayud's Defense Minister later announced that the junta would refuse Thaksin's reconciliation offer, claiming that Thailand was being threatened by "ill-intentioned people" and capitalism.[184]
Surayud's government completely purged all senior military officers perceived as loyal to the Thaksin government, replacing them with officers trusted by the new regime.[185]
In April 2007, during an interview where reporters asked Surayud what he would say to Thaksin if he could meet him in person, Surayud responded, "I would say please don't ever come back."[186]
[edit] Council for National Security
The Surayud government allowed the Council for National Security to interfere with many government responsibilities, including the transfer of civil servants. The CNS was allowed to control a nation-wide reshuffle of the civil service in April 2007 in order to weed out officials "clinging" to the deposed "Thaksin-regime".[187]
Surayud also authorized the removal of police chief Kowit Wattana from his position in early February 2007. Kowit had also been police chief under the ousted government of Thaksin Shinawatra.
In March, junta leader Sonthi asked Surayud to declare emergency rule in Bangkok in response to the protests by the founders of People's Television. In an interview, Sonthi noted that the protests, attended by approximately 1,500-3,000 people, had so far been peaceful but that he was afraid the movement could lead to "mutiny and chaos in the country."[188] CNS Spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd asked, "What will we do if the numbers of protesters go beyond 100,000? It will greatly damage the country's image." Emergency powers allowed the government to ban public gatherings, impose curfews and censor local news reports.[189]
On 3 April 2007, Surayud approved a 15% pay rise (on top of an earlier 15% pay rise) for members of the CNS, as a "special reward" for their "honesty, tolerance and dedication on weekdays and weekends."[190]
Despite this, relations between Surayud and the CNS deteriorated. Rumours swirled in mid-April 2007 that the CNS would overthrow the government. However, in a meeting with the CNS President, Surayud declared, "Don't ever think of launching another coup. If you utter only one word, then I am ready to resign."[191]
[edit] Criticism
Besides being heavily criticized for gaining power through the 2006 coup and his subsequent actions as Premier, Surayud has been accused of forest encroachment and corruption.
[edit] Forest encroachment
Surayud was accused of breaching the Forestry Act and the National Forest Reserves Act by illegally owning forest reserve land in Yaithiang Mountain of Nakhon Ratchasima province. When Surayud was Commander of the 2nd Army Region, he was sold the plot of land for 50,000 baht, although the land had a market value of 700,000 baht. He later transferred ownership of the plot to his wife as a gift. Surayud vowed to resign and return the land (which he did not deny owning) if found guilty.[192] He was defended by Interior Minister Aree Wongarya, who claimed, "Gen Surayud purchased the land from someone else so the question has to be posed to the first owner whether the land is reserved."
National Human Rights Commissioner Jaran Ditthapichai noted, "I cannot agree to have someone call himself a man of morality and sufficiency if he built a fancy house in a forest reserve."[193]
However, the National Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC) refused to investigate the land encroachment charges, claiming that the statute of limitations on the case had run out. NCCC member Klanarong Chantik noted that Surayud retired from military service in 2003 whereas the charges were made 4 years after his retirement, and that the NCCC could not legally investigate an officer for alleged wrongdoing beyond two years after retirement.[194]
[edit] Corruption
Surayud, an avid collector of model trains, was accused of illegally acquiring four train compartments for his resort home in Nakhon Ratchasima. Surayud claimed that he had more than 4 compartments, but they were all in Bangkok and were acquired legally.[195]
However, Thai-language newspaper Khaosod published a photo on the front page of its 26 December 2006 edition which showed a building resembling a railway carriage near Surayud's resort home. The National Counter Corruption Committee was petitioned to scrutinise the land at Surayud's retreat residence.
While Surayud was frequently accused of corruption, many in the business community believed otherwise. A poll conducted in January 2007 found that 66% of business people thought that local corruption would increase, with only 10.5% thinking that it would decrease. However, only about 14% believed that leading figures in Surayud's administration were corrupt.[196]
[edit] Royal decorations
Surayud has received the following royal decorations in the Honours System of Thailand:
1974 - Freeman Safeguarding Medal (First Class)
1990 - Rama Medal of the Honourable Order of Rama
1992 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1995 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1996 - Grand Companion (Third Class, higher grade) of the Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao

SUCHINDA KRAPRAYOON.

2010-02-06T21:42:00.000-08:00

Suchinda Kraprayoon (Thai: สุจินดา คราประยูร, born August 6, 1933) was Prime Minister of Thailand from 7 April 1992 until 24 May 1992.
Suchinda, son of Juang and Sompong Kraprayoon, was born 6 August 1933 in the province of Nakhon Pathom, Thailand, and is of Chinese [1][2][3] and Mon descent.[4] He married Khunying Wannee Kraprayoon (Noonpakdee).
Contents[hide]
1 Early life and education
2 Early military career
3 NPKC
4 Post-downfall
5 References
//
[edit] Early life and education
Suchinda first attended Wat Rajabopit School and later Amnuayslip School. He studied medicine at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok for 12 months before entering the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. He graduated from Class 5 of the Academy, many of which would join in the National Peace Keeping Council. He also attended the US Army Command and General Staff Course at the Artillery Regiment, Fort Sill, Oklahoma, and the US Army Command and General Staff Course at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.
[edit] Early military career
Suchinda returned to Thailand in 1953 to serve as a Second Lieutenant in the Royal Thai Army. On 25 January 1958 he became Troop Leader in an artillery infantry regiment. He was gradually promoted and given more responsibilities including:
Lecturer at Army Command and General Staff College
Director-General of Operations Department
Assisting Chief of Staff (Army Operations) of the Royal Thai Army
Deputy Chief of Staff of the Royal Thai Army
Sub-Commander of the Royal Thai Army
Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army (April 29, 1990)
Commander-in-Chief of the Supreme Command Headquarters (October 1, 1991)
[edit] NPKC
Suchinda was a leader of the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC), which conducted a coup d'etat that ousted the elected government of Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan on 23 February 1991. The NPKC installed former diplomat Anand Panyarachun as Prime Minister.
After the general election on 22 March 1992, five parties (Rassadorn, Samakkee Dhamma, Social Action, Thai Citizen, Chart Thai) designated Suchinda as the prime minister. His appointment as Prime Minister on 7 April 1992 resulted in large protests, culminating in a general curfew and military deployment in Bangkok. In the event known as Black May, hundreds of people are believed to have died when soldiers opened fire on unarmed students and demonstrators during the protests.[5] Further escalation was avoided by the intervention of King Bhumibol.
Suchinda resigned from the Premiership on 24 May 1992. The Deputy Prime Minister, Meechai Ruchuphan, became caretaker Prime Minister for an interim period until the new government was assigned. He was succeeded by Anand Panyarachun.
[edit] Post-downfall
After resigning, General Suchinda was appointed Chairman of Telecom Holdings, the holding company of Telecom Asia.[6

CHAVALIT YONGCHAIYUDH.

2010-02-06T21:40:00.000-08:00

General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh (Thai ชวลิต ยงใจยุทธ, born May 15, 1932 in Nonthaburi) is a Thai politician and retired general. He was Thailand's 22nd Prime Minister from 1996 to 1997. He is of Sino-Thai and ethnic Lao descent.[1]
Chavalit began his political career in 1988 as Defence Minister, with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, in the administration of Chatichai Choonhavan. He held that position until 1991. He then served as Minister of Interior from 1992 to 1994, and was Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence from 1995 to 1996.
In late 1996, following the Royal Decree of Parliament Closure a general election was held. On November 16, 1996, Chavalit's "New Aspiration Party" won the most seats. With the support of five coalition parties - Chart Pattana, Social Action, Thai Citizen, Seri Dhamma and Mass Citizen - Chavalit was appointed by royal decree as the 22nd Prime Minister on November 25, 1996. However, he encountered pressure from many political movements, who finally forced him to resign on November 6, 1997, in the midst to the Asian financial crisis.
On 14 May and 15 May 1997, the Thai baht was hit by massive speculative attacks. Prime Minister Chavalit announced he would not devalue the baht. This sparked the Asian financial crisis, since the Thai government failed to defend the baht, which was then pegged to the U.S. dollar, against the international speculators. Thailand's booming economy came to a halt amidst massive layoffs in finance, real estate, and construction that resulted in huge numbers of workers returning to their villages in the countryside and 600,000 foreign workers being sent back to their home countries.The baht devalued swiftly and lost more than half of its value. The Thai stock market dropped 75% in 1997. Due to the crisis, in November this year, the premier eventually stepped down.
During the early 1990s, General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh controlled 126 military-run radio stations and two of the country's five television networks. Chavalit agreed to make military stations available for an anti-AIDS campaign. He also agreed to help Meechai Viravaidya spearhead a three-year blitz to halt the spread of the disease.
On October 7, 2008, Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh resigned and admitted partial responsibility for violence due to police tear gas clearance of Parliament blockade, causing injuries to 116 protesters, 21, seriously. His resignation letter stated: "Since this action did not achieve what I planned, I want to show my responsibility for this operation."[2][3][4] But after dispersal, 5,000 demonstrators returned and also blocked all 4 entries to the parliament building.[5] [6] [7]
On October 2, 2009, Chavalit Yongchaiyudh joined the Pheu Thai Party. He insists he will be a regular member until the party's executives consider a future role for him.[8]
On February 4, 2010, Thai news media reported that Thaksin Shinawatra was forming a "peoples' army" and named Chavalit as the Supreme Commander. [9]

THANOM KITTIKACHORN.

2010-02-06T21:38:00.000-08:00

Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn (August 11, 1911 - June 16, 2004, Thai ถนอม กิตติขจร) was a military dictator of Thailand. A staunch anti-Communist, Thanom oversaw a decade of military rule in Thailand from 1963 to 1973, until public protests which exploded into violence forced him to step down. His return from exile in 1976 sparked protests which led to a massacre of demonstrators, followed by a military coup.
Contents[hide]
1 Early life
2 Rise to power
3 Prime Minister
4 6 October 1976 massacre and aftermath
5 Royal decorations
6 References
//
[edit] Early life
[edit] Rise to power
As a lieutenant-colonel, he took part in the 1947 coup led by Colonel Sarit Thanarat and became a regimental Commander and head of the Lopburi military department. He was later promoted to colonel, commanding the 11th Infantry Division. He was appointed as an MP in 1951, his first political role.
In February 1953, he led the suppression of a rebellion, and was rewarded with a promotion to the rank of lieutenant-general. He represented Thailand at the ceremony to mark the end of the Korean War in July 1953 and was later promoted as Commander of the 1st Region Army.
He was appointed Deputy Cooperatives Minister in 1955. Thanom supported Sarit in his coup against the government of Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsongkram, and was subsequently appointed Defence Minister in Pote Sarasin's puppet regime in 1957.
In subsequent years, Thanom consolidated his power base as the 2nd military leader behind Sarit. In 1958, he was appointed General and became Prime Minister, Defence Minister, and Army Commander-in-Chief. He was the Prime Minister for 9 months. The following year he was replaced by Sarit as prime minister and was instead appointed Deputy Prime Minister, Defence Minister, and Armed Forces Deputy Supreme Commander in the new junta.
[edit] Prime Minister
Thanom was appointed Prime Minister one day after Sarit's death in 1963. He subsequently appointed himself Commander-in-Chief of the Army. One year later, he promoted himself to the concurrent ranks of Field Marshal, Admiral of the Fleet, and Marshal of the Royal Thai Air Force. Thanom continued the pro-American and anti-Communist politics of his predecessor, which helped to ensure massive US economic and financial aid during the Vietnam War. His regime was infamously known for massive corruption. He established and led the Saha Prachathai Party in October 1968.
Thanom reappointed himself Prime Minister in February 1969 after general elections had been completed. Then, in November 1971, he staged a coup against his own government, citing the need to suppress communist infiltration. He dissolved Parliament and appointed himself Chairman of the National Executive Council, and served as a caretaker government for one year. He appointed himself Prime Minister for a fourth time, in December 1972, while also serving as Defence and Foreign Ministers. He, along with his son, Colonel Narong, and Narong's father-in-law Field Marshal Praphas Charusathien became known as the "Three Tyrants".
Public discontent grew, as well as demands for a general election. Student-led demands for a return to constitutional government, the so-called "14 October 1973 uprising", caused three days of violence and the downfall of his regime. Thanom and the other two "Tyrants" left for exile in the United States and Singapore. His departure was followed by a restoration of a democratic administration in Thailand.
[edit] 6 October 1976 massacre and aftermath
In October 1976, Thanom returned to Thailand as a novice monk at Wat Bowonniwet. His return triggered student protests which took place on the campus of Thammasat University. The far right, aided by government security forces, stormed the campus and massacred protesters on 6 October 1976. That evening, the military again seized power from the elected civilian government.
Thanom soon left the monkhood but never took a role in politics again. Later in his life, he made an effort to rehabilitate his tarnished image and recover properties that had been seized when he was overthrown.
In March 1999, Thanom was nominated to become a member of the honorary Royal Guard by Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai, which was a highly controversial act. Thanom turned down the appointment.
Thanom died at the age of 92 on 16 June 2004 in Bangkok General Hospital, after suffering a stroke and a heart attack in January 2004. His medical expenses were paid by King Bhumibol Adulyadej. His cremation was held on 25 February 2007 at Wat Debsirin. Queen Sirikit presided over the cremation ceremony, lighting the royal flame on behalf of King Bhumibol. Princess Chulabhorn also presided.
[edit] Royal decorations
Thanom received the following royal decorations in the Honours System of Thailand:[1]
1925 - King Rama VII Coronation Medal
1934 - Safeguarding the Constitution Medal
1940 - Companion (Fourth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1941 - Companion (Fourth Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1943 - Medal for Service Rendered in the Interior
1944 - Chakra Mala Medal
1946 - King Rama IX Coronation Medal
1948 - Commander (Third Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1950 - King Rama VIII Royal Cypher Medal, Third Class
1950 - Knight Commander (Second Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1952 - Knight Commander (Second Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1953 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1954 - Victory Medal - Korean War
1954 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1955 - Flame pin to adorn the Victory Medal - Korean War
1955 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1956 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1958 - Knight Grand Commander (Second Class, higher grade) of the Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
1959 - King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, Second Class
1961 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
1962 - Border Service Medal
1962 - Victory Medal - World War II
1964 - King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, First Class
1965 - Knight Grand Commander of the Honourable Order of Rama
1969 - Freeman Safeguarding Medal, First Class
1972 - Bravery Medal
1972 - Victory Medal - Vietnam War, with flames
1972 - 25th Buddhist Century Celebration Medal
1972 - Commemorative Medal of the Royal State Visits to the United States of America and Europe
1972 - Silver Jubilee Medal of B.E. 2514
1972 - Red Cross Medal of Appreciation, First Class

PLAEK PIBULSONGGRAM.

2010-02-06T21:36:00.000-08:00

Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram (Thai: แปลก พิบูลสงคราม, IPA: [plɛ̀ːk pʰí.būːnsŏŋkʰrāːm]), often known during his lifetime as Phibun Songkhram or simply Phibun in English, and as Chomphon Po. (จอมพล ป., Field Marshal P.) in Thai, born Plaek Khittasangkha, (14 July 1897 – 11 June 1964) was Prime Minister and military dictator of Thailand from 1938 to 1944 and 1948 to 1957.
Contents[hide]
1 Early life
2 1932 Revolution
3 Abdication of the king
4 Prime Minister of Thailand
5 Alliance with Japan
6 Coup, second premiership, and more coups
7 Sarit seizes power
8 Royal decorations
9 See also
10 References
11 External links
//
[edit] Early life
Pibulsonggram was born Plaek Khittasangkha in 1897, to parents Keed Khittasangkha and Sam-Ang[1]–a family of orchard cum durian farmers. He studied at various Wat schools before entering the Artillery Corps in 1914 upon graduation from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. Following advanced studies in France, the honorary title of Luang Pibulsonggram was bestowed upon him by King Prajadhipok in 1928. (He was later to adopt Pibulsonggram as his surname.)
[edit] 1932 Revolution
One of the leaders of the military wing of the People's Party which staged a coup d'état and overthrew the absolute monarchy in 1932, Lieutenant Colonel Pibulsonggram rose to prominence as a popular man-on-horseback.
[edit] Abdication of the king
The following year, Pibulsonggram, along with officers of the same cause, successfully crushed the Boworadet Rebellion. This was a royalist revolt led by Prince Boworadet. While King Prajadhipok was never directly involved in the rebellion, it marked the beginning of a slide which ended in his 1935 abdication and replacement by King Ananda Mahidol. As the new King was still a child and was then studying in Switzerland, the parliament appointed Colonel Prince Anuwatjaturong, Lieutenant Commander Prince Artit Thip-apa, and Chao Phraya Yommaraj (Pun Sukhum) as his Regents.
[edit] Prime Minister of Thailand
In 1938, Pibulsonggram replaced Phraya Phahol as Prime Minister, and consolidated his position by rewarding several members of his own army clique with influential positions in his government.
Pibulsonggram began to increase the pace of modernisation in Thailand. By manipulating the mass media, Pibulsonggram supported fascism and nationalism. Together with Luang Wichitwathakan, the Minister of Propaganda, he built a leadership cult in 1938 and thereafter. Photographs of Pibulsonggram were to be found everywhere and those of the abdicated King Prajadhipok were banned. His quotes appeared in newspapers, were plastered on billboards and repeated over the radio.[citation needed]

Thai poster from the Marshal Plaek era, noting prohibited "uncivilised" dress on the left, and proper western dress on the right.
"Aimed to uplift the national spirit and moral code of the nation and instilling progressive tendencies and a newness into Thai life", a series of Cultural Mandates were issued by the government. These mandates encouraged that all Thais were to salute the flag in public places, know the new national anthem (written by Wichitwathakarn), and use the Thai language, not regional dialects. People were encouraged to adopt western attire, as opposed to the traditional dress of Thai men and women. Similarly, people were encouraged to eat with a fork and spoon, rather than their traditional hands. In Pibulsonggram's perspective, these policies were necessary for Thailand to change the minds of foreigners that Thailand was an undeveloped and barbaric country. In the interest in progressivism, Thailand needed to be recognised by foreigners as a civilized and modernized country.
In 1939, Pibulsonggram changed the country's name from Siam to Thailand. In 1941, in the midst of World War II, he decreed January 1 the official start of the new year instead of the traditional April 13. On 5 August 1941, Thailand joined a group of nations that recognized the puppet state of Manchukuo.
His administration also encouraged economic nationalism, in which the Thai people were to purchase as many Thai products as possible and therefore destroy the Chinese proportion in markets. Anti-Chinese policies were imposed. In a speech in 1938, Luang Wichitwathakan compared the Chinese in Siam to the Jews in Germany.
While ardently pro-Japanese at the beginning, Pibulsonggram and his administration soon considerably, but cordially, distanced itself from Japan following the aftermath of the French-Thai War, which lasted from October 1940 to May 1941, when Japanese territorial ambitions were skilfully realized during the peace talks. The Japanese gained the right to occupy French Indo-China. Being threatened by the war, Pibulsonggram stated that the Japanese would be the transgressors. The administration also realized that Thailand would fend for itself when the Japanese invasion came, considering the deteriorating relationships with the major Western powers in the area.
[edit] Alliance with Japan
When the Japanese invaded Thailand on December 8, 1941, (because of the international date line this occurred an hour and a half before Pearl Harbor)[2], hesitant Pibulsonggram was reluctantly forced to order a general ceasefire and to allow the Japanese armies to use the country as a station for the invasions of Burma and Malaya.[3] However, hesitancy gave way to enthusiasm when the Japanese surprisingly blitzkrieged their way through Malaya. On December 12, a military alliance with Japan was signed. A month later, on January 25, 1942, Thailand declared war on the allied powers. Those who opposed the declaration were sacked from the government: Pridi Phanomyong, who was appointed acting Regent for the absent King Ananda Mahidol, while Direk Jayanama, the prominent Foreign Minister who had advocated resistance against the Japanese, later became the Thai ambassador to Tokyo.
As Japan neared its defeat, Pibulsonggram was forced to resign by the pro-Seri Thai National Assembly, thus ending his six-year reign as the military commander in chief. Partly his resignation was forced by two megolomaniacal plans.[citation needed] One, to relocate the Thai capital city from Bangkok to a site in the jungle near Phetchabun in northern Thailand. The other, to build a "Buddhist city" near Saraburi. Announced during a time of economic difficulty, these schemes turned many government officers against the Prime Minister.[citation needed] Pibulsonggram went to reside at the army headquarters in Lopburi. Meanwhile, Khuang Abhaiwongse was made Prime Minister ostensibly to continue relations with the Japanese, while at the same time secretly assisting the Seri Thai underground.
At the war's end, Pibulsonggram was put on trial by the Allies on charges of having committed war crimes, mainly that of collaborating with the Axis powers. However, he was acquitted amidst intense public pressure. Public opinion was favourable to Pibulsonggram, since he was thought to have done his best to protect Thai interests.[4]
[edit] Coup, second premiership, and more coups
In November 1947, Army units under the control of Pibulsonggram carried out a coup which forced Thamrong to resign. The hapless Khuang was again installed as Prime Minister as the military coup risked international disapproval. Pridi Phanomyong was persecuted. However, he was aided by British and American intelligence officers, and thus managed to escape the country. On April 8 1948, the military forced Khuang out of office and Pibulsonggram assumed his second premiership.
On October 1, 1948, the unsuccessful Army General Staff Plot was launched to topple the government of Pibulsonggram. As a result of this plot, more than fifty Army and Reservist and several prominent supporters of Pridi Phanomyong were arrested.
A Palace Rebellion in 1949 was another failed coup attempt. The aims of its plotters were to overthrow the government of Pibulsonggram and to restore his main civilian rival Pridi Phanomyong to the Thai political scene.
Instead of the Fascism that characterized his first premiership, Pibulsonggram and his regime promoted a façade of Democracy. American aid was received in large quantities following Thailand's entry into the Korean War as part of the United Nations' multi-national allied force in the Cold War against the communists.
Pibulsonggram's anti-Chinese campaign was resumed, with the government restricting Chinese immigration and undertaking various measures to restrict economic domination of the Thai market by those of Chinese descent. Chinese schools and associations were once again shut down. Despite open pro-western and anti-Chinese policies, in the late 1950s Pibulsonggram arranged to send to China two of the children of Sang Phathanothai, his closest advisor, with the intention of establishing a backdoor channel for dialogue between China and Thailand. The girl, aged eight, and her brother, aged twelve, were sent to be brought up under the assistants of Premier Zhou Enlai as his wards.
On June 29, 1951, Pibulsonggram was attending a ceremony aboard the USS Manhattan when he was taken hostage by a group of naval officers, who were quick to confine him on board the warship Sri Ayutthaya. Negotiations between the government and the coup organizers swiftly broke down, leading to violent street fighting in Bangkok between the Navy and the Army, which was supported by the Air Force. Pibulsonggram was able to swim back ashore when the Sri Ayutthaya was bombed by the Air Force; with their hostage gone, the sailors and marines were forced to lay down their arms.
On November 29, 1951, the "Silent Coup," was staged by the Army-led Coup Group and it consolidated the military's hold on the country. It reinstated the Constitution of 1932, which effectively eliminated the Senate, established a unicameral legislature composed equally of elected and government-appointed members, and allowed serving military officers to supplement their commands with important ministerial portfolios.
On November 13, 1956, the Field Marshall co-signed Thailand's Criminal Code BE 2499 with His Majesty Bhumibol Adulyadej the King.
[edit] Sarit seizes power
At the end of his second term, suspicions of fraudulent practices during an election emerged. The American equipped Thai army played a major role in the coup d'état of 1957, and the United States was "deeply involved"[5] The resulting unrest led to a coup by Field Marshal Sarit Dhanaraj in 1957, who had earlier sworn to be his most loyal subordinate. Sarit was supported by many royalists who wanted to regain their foothold in Thailand's royalty. Pibulsonggram was then forced into exile in Japan. He lived there until his death in 1964.
[edit] Royal decorations
Plaek Pibulsonggram received the following royal decorations in the Honours System of Thailand:[6]
1911 - King Rama VI Coronation Medal
1925 - King Rama VII Coronation Medal
1929 - Member (Fifth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1929 - Chakra Mala Medal
1931 - Companion (Fourth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1932 - 150 Years Commemoration of Bangkok Medal
1934 - Dushdi Mala - Military
1937 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1938 - King Rama VIII Royal Cypher Medal
1940 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1941 - Victory Medal - Indochina
1941 - Knight of The Ancient and Auspicious Order of the Nine Gems
1942 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
1942 - The Ratana Varabhorn Order of Merit
1943 - Medal for Service Rendered in the Interior (Asia)
1943 - Victory Medal - World War II
1943 - Dushdi Mala - Civilian
1944 - Bravery Medal - World War II
1956 - Bhumibol Adulyadej King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, First Class
1957 - Border Service Medal

GENERAL PHRAYA PHAHON PHONPHAYUHASENA.

2010-02-06T21:33:00.000-08:00

General Phraya Phahon Phonphayuhasena (Thai: พลเอกพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา), 29 March 1887 – 14 February 1947) was a Thai military leader and politician. He became of the Second Prime Minister of Siam in 1933 after ousting his predecessor in a Coup d'état. After serving five years as Prime Minister he retired in 1938.
Contents[hide]
1 Early life
2 Revolutionary leader and usurper
3 Premiership
4 Periods of service as Prime Minister
5 Retirement and Death
6 Royal decorations
7 References
8 External links
//
[edit] Early life
Phahonyothin was born in Phra Nakhon province (present-day Bangkok) to a Teochew Chinese father; Colonel Thin Phahonyothin (ถิ่น พหลโยธิน) and a Thai mother; Chab Phahonyothin (จับ พหลโยธิน) ,[1][2]
After attending the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, in 1903 he was send by Royal scholarship to study at the Prussian Military academy or (Hauptkadettenanstalt) in the town of Lichterfelde, near Berlin, Germany. Where he was apparently a classmate of Hermann Göring. He was then sent to study at the Engineer School in Denmark, he was however only able to complete one year as his scholarship funds have ran out, he returned to Siam in 1912. He was married to Khunying Bunlong Phahonpholphayuhasena (คุณหญิงบุญหลง พหลพลพยุหเสนา). In 1931 he was elevated to the rank of Phraya Phahon Phonphayuhasena by King Prajadhipok (or Rama VII) and received the rank of Colonel. In 1932 he became Inspector of the Royal Siamese Army.
[edit] Revolutionary leader and usurper
Phraya Phahon was an important member of the group of conspirators known as the "Four Musketeers", (4 ทหารเสือ) which were a part of the Khana Ratsadon (or the People's Party) who carried out the Revolution of 1932. After the 1932 Revolution, three factions had formed among the group of Siamese political and military leaders in the Khana Ratsadon. These were: first, the senior military faction led by Phraya Phahon; second, the junior army and navy faction led by Luang Phibunsongkhram; and third, the civilian faction led by Pridi Phanomyong.
As the most senior Phraya Phahol was viewed as the de facto leader of the Khana Ratsadon and the Revolution itself. It was Phraya Phahol who read the "Declaration of the new Siamese State" in the Royal Plaza that declared the end of absolute monarchy and the establishment of the constitutional Siamese state. Because of the key role he played in the Revolution he was rewarded with a high position in the new government and was made a member of the new Cabinet.
In March 1933 a constitutional crisis has developed in Siam over the Yellow Cover Dossier incident, the incident was caused by Pridi's Draft Economic Plan, which contained many socialistic elements. Because of this Phraya Manopakorn Nititada the Prime Minister decided to expelled him from the Cabinet and suspended the Constitution. This action upset many in the People's Party who supported Pridi, this included Phraya Phahol. On the 15 June Phraya Phahol resigned from the Cabinet citing 'health reasons'. In truth he and a couple of military officers including both Army and Navy officers has planned to overthrow Phraya Mano's increasingly authoritarian government. On the 20 June a Bloodless Coup was instigated, led by Phraya Phahon. The following day, Phraya Phahon was appointed himself the second Prime Minister of Siam. He immediately send a report to King Prajadhipok the objectives and reasoning for the coup and asked the King's support, the King reluctantly endorsed him. Phraya Mano was then exiled to Malaysia.
[edit] Premiership

Photograph of Phraya Phahol with Hideki Tōjō in Tokyo in 1942, as Phibul's envoy.
The next five years were a struggle to maintain power. Beginning with the Boworadet Rebellion only four months after becoming Prime Minister in October 1933; a Royalist revolt against Phraya Phahol's Government. After weeks of fighting government troops emerged victorious and Phraya Phahol was able to cement his power over Siam. The cabinet was extremely divided politically, and the government was maintained only by the personality of Phraya Phahon. Luang Phibunsongkhram (a trusted confidant) became Minister of Defense under the new government, and he began to acquire greater power and influence in preparation for his eventual ascension to the premiership.
The beginning of the end for Phraya Phahon’s time as Prime Minister began in 1937 when a scandal erupted involving sale of crown real estate to high-ranking officials for below-market prices. After a near collapse that year, the first direct elections for the People's Assembly took place on 7 November 1937, and those of Phraya Phahon’s cabinet found themselves an ideological and political minority. After budget issues the next year, the cabinet was forced to resign in September 1938, and elections were held in December, installing Luang Phibunsonggram as the next Prime Minister of Thailand.
[edit] Periods of service as Prime Minister
First term: June 21, 1933 – December 16, 1933
Second term: December 16, 1933 – September 22, 1934
Third term: September 22, 1934 – July 28, 1937
Fourth term: August 9, 1937 – December 21, 1937
Fifth term: December 21, 1937 – September 11, 1938
[edit] Retirement and Death
After his difficult years as Prime Minister, General Phraya Phahon retired from public life, though he continued to serve in the military throughout World War II. He died in February 1947 at the age of 59 of Cerebral hemorrhage. It was said that when he died, despite the fact that he has held many positions in government, his family was poor and did not even have the money to pay for his funeral. Eventually Luang Phibulsonggram, his former tutee and the current Prime Minister had to step in and pay for the funeral of his beloved mentor.
Phahonyothin Road, which runs from Bangkok to the border of Burma in the north, is named after Phraya Phahon. Formerly known as Prachathipatai Road, Field Marshall Plaek Phibunshongkhram renamed the road in his honor. A hospital in Kanchanaburi Province is also named in his honour.
[edit] Royal decorations
Phraya Phahon received the following royal decorations in the Honours System of Thailand:[3]
1911 - King Rama VI Coronation Medal
1917 - Member (Fifth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1920 - Member (Fifth Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1922 - Companion (Fourth Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1926 - Companion (Fourth Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1927 - Chakra Mala Medal
1929 - Commander (Third Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
1929 - King Rama VII Royal Cypher Medal, Fourth Class
1932 - 150 Years Commemoration of Bangkok Medal
1934 - Safeguarding the Constitution Medal
1934 - Dushdi Mala - Military
1937 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
1938 - King Rama VIII Royal Cypher Medal, First Class
1941 - Victory Medal - Indochina
1943 - Medal for Service Rendered in the Interior
1943 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
[edit]

ROYAL THAI ARMY.

2010-02-06T21:28:00.000-08:00

The Royal Thai Army (Thai: กองทัพบกไทย) is the army of Thailand responsible for protecting its sovereignty. It is the oldest and largest branch of the Royal Thai Armed Forces. The army was formed in 1874, partly as a response to new security threats following the Bowring Treaty with Britain, which opened up the country for international trade.
Contents[hide]
1 History
2 Command and Control
2.1 List of Commanders
3 Organization
3.1 Field Organization
3.2 Tactical units
3.3 Royal Guards
4 ATLAS
5 Equipment
6 Small Arms
7 Aviation
7.1 Known aviation bases
8 Rank and insignia
9 Procurement News
9.1 Troop Fighting Weapon
9.2 Military Vehicle
9.3 Army Aviation
10 See also
11 References
12 External links
//
[edit] History
Main article: Military history of Thailand
[edit] Command and Control
The Royal Thai Army is commanded by the Commander of the Royal Thai Army (ผู้บัญชาการทหารบกไทย); the current Commander is General Anupong Paochinda, who was appointed in 2007. The Royal Thai Army Headquarters is located in a building on Ratchadamnoen Nok Road in Bangkok, Thailand.
Commander-in-Chief: General Anupong Paochinda
Deputy Commander-in-Chief: General Jiradech Kotcharat
Assistant Commander-in-Chief: General Theerawat Boonyapradap
Assistant Commander-in-Chief: Lt. General Viroj Buacharoon
Chief of Staff of the Army: Lt. General Prayuth Jan-ocha
[edit] List of Commanders
Main article: List of Commanders of the Royal Thai Army
[edit] Organization
[edit] Field Organization
The Royal Thai Army is divided into 4 Army Regions:
First Army Region - headquartered in Bangkok and is responsible for the country's western and central provinces including the capital city.
1st, 2nd, 9th and 11th infantry divisions, and
1st Development division.
Second Army Region - headquartered in Nakhon Ratchasima and is responsible for the northeastern quadrant.
3rd, 6th and 12th infantry divisions, and
2nd Development divisions.
Third Army Region - headquartered in Phitsanulok, responsible for the northern and northwestern parts of the kingdom.
4th infantry division,
1st armor division, and
3rd development division.
Fourth Army Region - headquartered in Nakhon Si Thammarat, responsible for southern Thailand.
5th infantry division, and
4th development division.
[edit] Tactical units
Altogether the army is organized into the following Tactical Units:
7 infantry divisions (including 5 tank battalions),
1 armoured division,
1 cavalry division (a light armour division),
2 special forces divisions trained and geared for small unit special and airborne operations,
1 field artillery division, and
1 air defense artillery division.
8 independent infantry battalions,
3 airmobile companies provided the ground force units with battlefield support.
The Royal Thai Army also controls at least one television network, the Thai Global Network.
[edit] Royal Guards
Main article: Royal Guards (Thailand)
[edit] ATLAS
The Army Tactical Level Advanced Simulation (ATLAS) is an interactive, distributed, constructive simulation used to conduct military Command Post Exercises (CPX) within the RTA. ATLAS utilize a continuous terrain model, incorporates HLA 1516, and displays 1:250,000 1:50,000 and Satellite Imagery. ATLAS was developed between 2002 and 2005 through cooperation with RTA Command and General Staff College (CGSC).

KANCHANAPISEK.

2010-02-06T20:54:00.000-08:00

ภาษาไทย Opening page
H.M.'s Biography Golden Jubilee Rites Royal Activities Royal Projects Royal Speeches Royal Talents Royal Music
H.R.H. Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn
Paticipating Organizations Other Participating Organization
About the Golden Jubilee Network
Knowledge for Thai peoples
Site map Milestones Feedback

The Royal Crest Commemoratingthe Sixth-Cycle (72 nd) Birthday AnniversaryOf His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadejon 5 December 1999
His Majesty the King's initials the Thai letters "Phor Por Ror" placed at the centre of the crest, under the Royal Crown and above the Royal Throne of the Eight Compass Points, signify that His Majesty is the focus of the entire nation, binding the people's hearts and loyalty. The yellow colour of the letters is the colour of His Majesty's day of birth, and the blue colour of the background that of the monarchy.
The surrounding discus (Chakra) with the Thai numeral 9 means that King Bhumibol Adulyadej is the ninth monarch of the Chakri Dynasty. The crest is flanked by two seven-tiered umbrellas and topped by a nine-tiered umbrella, both types symbols of kingship.
The four point border represents the four regions of the country, in which the people live in peace and tranquility under the King's supreme protection, as expressed by the green colour, which is a symbol of peace and abundance. Each of the four points of the border has a lotus, an offering to His Majesty on the occasion of his Sixth-Cycle Birthday Anniversary.
The golden rays around the crest signify His Majesty's grace and benevolence, which pervade the Kingdom and beyond and bring pride and joy to the people in the entire land.
Beneath the crest a blue silk banner bears the inscription of the Royal Occasion of His Majesty's Sixth-Cycle Birthday on 5 December 1999.
Copyright ©1999 Kanchanapisek Network. All Rights Reserved.Reproduction of the information contained in the web sitewithout permission is prohibited.

ADAKAN ALIRAN SEKOLAH BAHASA THAI DI MALAYSIA.

2010-02-01T20:57:00.000-08:00

Saya sebagai rakyat malaysia yang berketurunan siam ingin menyuarakan kepada kerajaan supaya adakan aliran bahasa thai di malaysia seperti kaum-kaum yang lain terdapat di malaysia iaitu cina dan india ada sekolah tersendiri untuk belajar aliran cina dan india,Saya sebagai ahli persatuan siam malaysia memberi pandangan saya kepada pihak kementerian pendidikan supaya dapat mempertimbangkan permohonan saya ini,Walaupun saya sebagai penduduk kampung wat olak madu,padang serai,Kedah,ingin memberi perbincangan mengenai sekolah bahasa thai di malaysia.Bagi saya sepatutnya kerajaan mahu memberi satu keadilan kepada rakyat siam malaysia dengan adanya kelas tersendiri.Malah masyarakat yang bukan keturunan siam dapat belajar aliran bahasa thai di malaysia.Tujuan saya menulis blog ini adalah untuk kebaikan bersama rakyat satu malaysia.

SIKAP PERANAN JABATAN PENGANGKUTAN JALAN(JPJ).

2010-02-01T20:12:00.000-08:00

Saya sebagai rakyat tidak berpuas hati dengan sikap pihak JPJ kerana mereka tidak memberi peluang untuk lulus dalam ujian memandu.Setahu saya kebanyakkan bangsa asing terutamanya cina dan india dapat lesen dengan mudah,sama ada boleh memandu atau tidak boleh dapat lesen dengan senang dan mudah,Saya tidak berpuas hati dengan pihak JPJ dan Syarikat memandu.kerana di beri peluang kepada bangsa asing cina dan india untuk mendapat lesen dengan secara yang mudah,malah sekiranya orang melayu belajar memandu di beri gagal dan mengambil sekali lagi ujian memandu.Sebenarnya sikap JPJ hanya semata-mata menerima rasuah itu sahaja yang tahu,bayangkan sekiranya orang yang susah tidak mempunyai gaji yang tinggi seperti nelayan contoh mereka sanggup belajar ujian memandu tapi di beri gagal apa perasaan seorang itu?.Sepatutnya JPJ memberi lulus seorang walaupun di ambil dua atau tiga kali sekurang-kurangnya di beri lulus dalam ujian memandu.

SAMBUTAN ULANG TAHUN RAJA THAILAND

2009-12-03T17:19:00.000-08:00

Saya sebagai rakyat malaysia berkerturunan siam mengucapkan selamat ulang tahun raja thai yang ke 83 tahun.Semoga berpanjangan usia dan memerintah dengan baik.DAULAT TUANKU.